Octavo: 17 x 11.5 cm. 408,  pp. Collation: a-z8, A-B8, C4, D8
“The Praise of Folly has long been famous as the best-known work of the greatest of the Renaissance humanists, Erasmus of Rotterdam. It is a fantasy that starts off as a learned frivolity but turns into a full-scale ironic encomium after the manner of the Greek satirist Lucian, the first and in its way the finest example of a new form of Renaissance satire. It ends with a straightforward and touching statement of the Christian ideals that Erasmus shared notably with his English friends John Colet and Thomas More.
Octavo: 17 x 11.6 cm. 575 pp. Collation: A-Z8, a-n8
This is the extremely rare first edition of Erasmus’ second response to Luther’s “De Servo Arbitrio” (On the Enslaved Will):
In December 1525 Erasmus had published “De Libero Arbitrio” (On Free Will), setting of a debate with Martin Luther, who responded to Erasmus with his own “De Servo Arbitrio” (On the Enslaved Will). Erasmus responded in turn with his “Hyperaspistes I” and, a year later, the present work, “Hyperaspistes II.
This is an early edition of Erasmus’ first work written somewhere between 1486 and 1489, when Erasmus, as he himself tells us, “was scarcely twenty years old” (olim vix annos natus viginti) and shortly after he had become a member of the Augustinian Canons Regular at Steyn. Despite its early date, the book was not printed until 1521, when Erasmus was already well established as an international man of letters.
A German translation of Erasmus’ annotation on Mathew 11:29 (taken from his “In Novum Testamentum annotationes”) in which Erasmus differentiates between the divine order and human positive law. He laments that people ignore the commands of God and follow human law instead: ‘Christ’s law is inviting and easy, but it becomes onerous and difficult through the addition of human prescriptions and dogmas.
Quarto:  pp. Collation: A-D4 (lacking final blank D4)
In his "Exhortation to the Reading of the Gospel," Erasmus emphasized that Scripture was intended not only for theologians but also for the laity, and by this Erasmus meant not just lay scholars but all people, including the illiterate. In light of this, Erasmus argued, the Bible needed to be translated into the vernacular.
For Erasmus, it was clear that Christ intended the gospel to be heard by everyone, regardless of his or her status, sex, or age:
“Let us reflect on what sort of hearers Christ himself had.
Quarto: 19 x 14.5 cm. 10 leaves. A4, B2, C4 (with the final blank leaf present)
This is Justus Jonas' (1493-1555) German translation of Henry VIII's account of why he did not attend the Council of Vicenza. The first edition, " Ad Carolum Cesarem Augustum epistola" was published at London in 1538. An English translation followed soon after. This is an extremely rare work in any edition. Only a single copy of the English edition is held in the United States (Folger).
"Nobody" dares to criticize the luxury of the priests and the idle life of the Pope.
Hutten, Ulrich von (1488-1523); Weiditz, Hans (1495- ca. 1536), artist. Outis. Nemo
Augsburg: Johann Miller, 9 September, 1518
Quarto: 20 x 15.5 cm.  pp. Collation: A-C4
First printing of Hutten's second "Nemo", a substantially re-worked and enlarged version of the 1516 original. This edition has been augmented by 60 verses, mainly on political subjects, an introduction dedicated to Johannes Crotus Rubianus (1480-1545) and a letter to Julius von Pflug (1499-1564). It also marks the first appearance of the celebrated woodcut title page (described in detail below.
Quarto: 20 x 15.5 cm.  ff. A-E4, F4 (lacking final blank leaf F4)
Hutten’s famous satire on courtly life. It is dedicated to Heinrich Stromer von Auerbach, court physician of the Mainz Elector. At the end is a verse “Prognosticon ad annum. M.D.XVI. ad Leonem .X. Pont. Max.” (Hutten’s warning that if Leo X engaged in war with the Emperor Maximilian, Italy would be destroyed) and a publisher’s advertisement of Hutten’s “Ebrietatis laus” (in praise of drunkenness.
Quarto: 19.8 x 14.5 cm. Collation: A-E4, F6 (lacking blank F6)
Together with his “Address to the Nobility of the German Nation” and “On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church”, Luther’s “On Christian Liberty” stands as one of the central pillars of Luther’s model of the reformed church. In this work, the Reformer articulates his doctrine of “sola fides” (justification by faith alone) and sets up his model of the “priesthood of all believers” against the corrupt and false hierarchy of the Catholic Church.
A sermon for Lichtmeß (Candlemas), the feast of the presentation of the infant Jesus in the temple and the purification of Mary (February 2). Jesus takes as his text Luke 2:22-39.
For the complexities of Luther’s evolving Mariology, see Thomas O'Meara, Mary in Protestant and Catholic Theology (1966). “Luther's attitude toward the theology of Mary and toward the devotion which a Christian should have to the Mother of God is a small-scale representation of his entire religious accomplishment.
Quarto: 21 x 15.5 cm. a-r4 (lacking final blank leaf r4) 115 pp.
Luther's response to Ambrosius Catharinus Politus' (1487-1552) "Defense of the True Catholic and Apostolic Faith and Doctrine against the Disease-spreading Dogma of Martin Luther" (Florence, 1520). In his defense of papal supremacy, Catharinus also defends the opinions of Sylvester Mazolinus de Prierio (Prierius, d. 1523), Pope Leo X's theologian and the first man to censor Luther's works.
Luther wrote his “On the Papacy in Rome” in response to the Franciscan monk Augustine Alveld’s “A Useful Booklet about the Papal See and About St. Peter.” Alveld wrote his work after the Leipzig debate to counter Luther’s thesis that the pope had no authority in the church. He sought to prove “on the holy basis of the holy canon of the Bible... that the Apostolic See is a divine institution.
Luther's concern with meaningful church reform led him to explore new ideas of church organization. This was especially so after the Peasants’ War showed him how "Evangelical freedom" could be misunderstood and confused with moral license. This tract, written not only to propose how future uprisings could be avoided, had the further purpose of shoring up faith among the nobility that the Reformation was a positive movement rather than a corrosive one.
First edition of Luther’s response to the growing danger posed by the radical preacher Thomas Münzer, who was ultimately executed the following year for leading the violent, open revolt that came to be known as the Peasants’ War.
In 1523, Thomas Münzer, formerly the leader of the radical “Zwickau Prophets” began to radicalize the area of Allstedt, where he was then pastor, preaching that the ungodly were to be eliminated and the elect would establish a kingdom of Christ on earth and threatening the political rulers of the area with rebellion.
Luther wrote this letter in August 1522 to Hans von Rechenberg, a strong supporter of the Reformation and a man who distinguished himself in battle against the Turks. There is no evidence that Luther knew von Rechenberg personally but the question that Luther addresses in the letter, whether a person who dies without faith may be saved, seems to have been one of personal concern to the addressee.
“In December 1520 Jerome Emser renewed his attack on Luther with a lengthy treatise written against Luther’s famous address ‘To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation’(August 1520) entitled ‘Against the Un-Christian Book of the Augustinian Martin Luther.’ It prompted an immediate reply from Luther.
“Luther’s ‘To the Goat in Leipzig’ is the first of a series of four treatises that Luther wrote against Emser.
Luther wrote his “The Magnificat Translated into German and Explained” in two parts, the first composed before his appearance at the Diet of Worms and the second part while he was in hiding in the Wartburg in May and June 1521. Given that Luther’s vision of the church and of Mary’s nature and place within Christianity were evolving (and were to evolve much further over time), and the fact that Luther left the Diet a changed man living in changed circumstances, it is no wonder that Luther’s exposition of the Magnificat has been the subject of numerous conflicting interpretations.
Quarto: 19.8 x 14.7 cm.  pp. A-K4 (lacks final blank)
“But if they do not have self-control, they should marry, for it is better to marry than to burn with desire.”-1 Corinthians 7:9
First edition of Luther’s important sermon on the problem of celibacy. Luther argued that sexual desire was inescapable for all but a handful, so it should be channeled into marriage. Vows of celibacy should be rendered void, and monasteries and convents should be closed or much reduced in size.
Quarto: 19 x 13.4 cm.  lvs. Collation: A-G4, H2, I4 (lacks blank I4)
“Luther’s commentary on Psalm 117, printed by George Rhau in October 1530, is a revision of an earlier version printed at the Coburg earlier in 1530. It is dedicated to Hans von Sternberg, who had taken a pilgrimage to the Holy Land and had told Luther about it. The German text includes Luther's German translation of Psalm 117 from the Hebrew O.T.
“This commentary is Luther’s critique of medieval spirituality, and includes an account of his own pilgrimage to Rome.
“The first task Luther undertook at the Wartburg (his “Patmos”), after only a few days, was to write ‘Psalm 67 (68): About Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost.” This psalm had its special place in the Augustinians’ mass liturgy and at Matins between Ascension and Pentecost, again an indication of how Luther was still living in the accustomed liturgy. The exposition gave a contemporary interpretation of the struggle between God and his enemies.